The mass-deportation promise is disappearing



At the Republican National Midterm Convention in Dallas last week, Vice President JD Vance said, “Under Donald Trump’s leadership, we have seen the foreign-born share of our population drop by 3 million people. That’s illegal aliens that we sent back home.” That is not true, and I wish he hadn’t said it.

The first sentence appears to round a recent estimate that the total foreign-born population fell by 2.9 million. The second recasts that estimate as 3 million illegal aliens whom the administration sent home. That is not what the underlying study says. But Vance said what he said, and if we are going to be straight shooters with Americans, then we need to hold all our political leaders to the same standard. That is especially true when it comes to the base’s favorite candidate for the next Republican presidential nomination.

It’s one thing not to mention mass deportation, but quite another to throw out numbers that nobody believes and the government’s own public data does not support.

With all due respect to the vice president, who has earned a deep reservoir of trust and support, we still need to be clear-eyed if we are going to build momentum for a mass deportation campaign.

As the vice president himself has said, “We need people to be pushing back from inside the tent.” We cannot accept premature celebrations in place of action. There could be a million explanations for how that statistic made it into the speech instead of the term “mass deportation” itself. My read is that someone ordered them not to speak about mass deportation at the convention, so it may have been hard to come up with something to say in its place. I have drafted and edited my fair share of speeches over the years. Group projects can take on lives of their own, and things end up in speeches that should not.

I was on the ground in Dallas, and I heard no speaker use the term “mass deportation.” It was a noticeable departure from the term’s prominence at the 2024 Republican National Convention, where viewers and attendees saw signs calling for “mass deportation now” while President Trump promised the “largest" deportation operation in history.

The promised mass-deportation campaign has not come to pass, and the absence of any reference to it just two years later speaks volumes about the abandonment of the cause.

The only reference to mass deportation I caught at the convention came from Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin during an offstage interview. “Our base wants mass deportation. We need mass deportation,” he said. Mullin, who receives the sharpest mix of criticism and encouragement, including from yours truly and the Mass Deportation Coalition, deserves credit for at least being willing to say it. Obviously, doing it is what matters, but it starts with saying it.

Instead of mass deportation, we have a growing scandal over basic deportation data. ICE has not released its fiscal year 2025 annual report, which congressional appropriators directed the agency to issue within 90 days of the fiscal year’s end. The ICE dashboard that was regularly updated, even during the Obama and Biden years, has not posted new removal data since November 2024.

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Megan Varner/Getty Images

In place of numbers are far-fetched claims and surface-level figures tossed out on social media and suspiciously amplified by networks of influencers. I suspect the amplification is not organic. Many of the posts are not even logical on their own terms, including one I saw recently claiming that ICE achieved a monthly record of 50,000 arrests. It then multiplied that “record” by the 20 months President Trump has been in office and claimed that 3 million people had therefore been deported. But 50,000 multiplied by 20 is 1 million, not 3 million. And arrests are not deportations. Nonetheless, the 3 million claim made the rounds on social media.

Then came another 3-million claim, this time drawn from a study based on the Current Population Survey, a voluntary monthly household survey used to measure the labor force. The study estimated that the total foreign-born population fell by 2.9 million from January 2025 to July 2026. It also preliminarily estimated that the illegal immigrant population fell by 2.3 million, from 15.8 million to 13.5 million. Importantly, that is an estimated net change in population, not a count of people deported. The study says the change can reflect new arrivals, deportations, voluntary emigration, legalizations, and deaths.

Vance also said Americans had competed for jobs and homes against “25 million new illegal immigrants.” If you are confused, then you are in the right place. The new claim that 3 million illegal aliens were sent home rests not on administrative deportation records but on an extrapolation from the survey, which does not ask respondents about their immigration status. It is a stretch to turn that estimate into 3 million illegal aliens “sent back home,” especially after claiming moments earlier that 25 million new illegal immigrants had competed with Americans for jobs and homes.

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PATRICK T. FALLON/AFP/Getty Images

None of this should even be part of the argument or public conversation. The Trump administration has administrative data on removals and returns; it is choosing not to release a detailed public accounting.

This should be among the easiest data to track and compile in all of government. Each formal removal or return generates case records and departure paperwork. Officials review those figures regularly. They know what I know: Actual interior deportations are far below the estimates being bandied about.

My estimate is that interior removals are probably closer to one-sixth of the 3 million the administration claims. I have sued the DHS with the Oversight Project to obtain this data, but the agency is still spending taxpayer money on lawyers to keep it hidden. It is a cover-up and a scandal, and there are unfortunately no better words for it.

It’s unfortunate that the ascendant vice president decided to jump headfirst into the deportation-data mess. It’s one thing not to mention mass deportation, but quite another to throw out numbers that nobody believes and the government’s own public data does not support.

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The anti-Christian radicalization on college campuses couldn't be more fragile



Evangelist Cliffe Knechtle has spent decades facilitating open-air dialogues about Christianity on college campuses, and what he’s noticed is a massive change over the years.

“People are more emotionally fragile today than they were when we began back in the '80s and '90s,” he tells BlazeTV host Allie Beth Stuckey on “Relatable.”

While his father grew up in Switzerland, “sat up in the Alps with a gun,” and watched Hitler’s army march toward his country — his grandfather was defending on the frontlines.

It was anything but fragile.


“Today, when Donald Trump wins the election, university students go to a crying room to get counseling. Give me a break. What emotional fragility. What an incredible emotional weakness today compared to the young 18-year-olds who fought against Adolf Hitler,” Knechtle explains.

But that’s not all that’s changed.

“Sexual immorality is embraced in a way that it’s not sexual immorality. It’s normal. So moral relativism and sexual immorality has become so commonplace, that if you stand against that, you are really, really, weird.”

Lastly, he says, “What has become too firmly entrenched is unless you can prove it scientifically, it’s not true.”

“I don’t care if you’re a liberal, you know very well that your critique of the conservatives is a moral, ethical critique. You’re not letting enough immigrants in. You’re elitist. And the conservatives are the same way. And you live a sexually twisted life, a perverted life,” he explains.

“So both are appealing to the moral argument, which I think is exciting because it really shows that we do have consciences, which means there really is a God,” he continues.

His son, Stuart Knechtle, recalls a moment when he was cornered by group of progressives who were distraught that he believed a suicidal 16-year-old girl should be saved.

“That’s devaluing her freedom and autonomy. If anything, you should aid in her decision to kill herself,” he says, mimicking their argument.

“I was shell-shocked, completely shocked,” he says.

“Sure enough, we kind of got around to the point of, ‘Do you guys really mean this?’ ... I think they go to the point of starting to realize just what they were saying. And they were relativizing morality, objective value,” he explains.

“That’s the one that I see where personal autonomy and freedom is considered really the top idea and thing to pursue even more so than the value of human life,” he adds.

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Minnesota's Somali gangs: Bragging rights, TikTok clout, and a bloody July 4



Over the Fourth of July weekend, a soccer coach was killed in Minneapolis, a young man was shot and left fighting for his life, and a 300-person gathering broke into gunfire in northeast Minneapolis two hours after police had already broken it up once, according to police.

Ramsey County Sheriff Bob Fletcher says it all traces back to a Somali gang problem that barely existed three years ago and now spans the metro.

'Great kids.'

The numbers are stark. According to Fletcher, there have been 14 Somali homicides and more than 100 gang-related shootings in the last two years, across roughly a dozen gangs. One Minneapolis officer told Fletcher 20% of Minneapolis homicides are now tied to Somali gangs.

Fletcher is careful to scope it though: Out of roughly 100,000 Somalis in Minnesota, only about 300 young people are actually involved in gangs, and 97% of Somali youth are, in his words, "great kids." But he warns that 300 could grow to 900 without intervention.

Investigators say it isn't drug turf or cash driving the gang growth — the gangs haven't moved into heavy trafficking. It's status, flexed for an audience — stunts at graduations and the State Fair, posted on social media, with weapons increasingly fitted with switches that make them fully automatic. Kids as young as 12 are reportedly out until 1 or 2 a.m. with no one tracking where they are.

"It's all about showboating. It's all about ego for 99% of it," said Benjamin Seidl, an investigator with the sheriff's office.

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The July 4 weekend itself, which police call their busiest weekend of the year, was unusually violent even by Minneapolis standards — one dead, four injured overnight Saturday into Sunday. Alpha News counted a half-dozen more shootings and assaults within hours, plus fatal violence in the suburbs.

Minneapolis City Council Member Jamal Osman — "the first Somali-American council vice president in Minneapolis history," according to his bio — said he was "dismayed and deeply disappointed" by Fletcher's remarks, arguing Somali youth deserve investment and dignity, not a talking point. Fletcher, who's worked in the Somali community since 2010, has stood by the message.

A community meeting is scheduled for July 21 at the Ramsey County Sheriff's Office patrol station in Arden Hills.

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The 'tradition' behind Nathan's hot-dog eating contest is a fake news PR stunt



Every July Fourth, announcers retell the same origin story before Nathan's Famous Hot Dog Eating Contest: In 1916, four immigrants on Coney Island settled an argument over who was the most patriotic American by seeing who could eat the most hot dogs in 12 minutes. James Mullen, an Irish immigrant, won with 13.

It never happened.

‘A hot dog is like a pop idol. Hot dogs are cute.’

The story was invented in the early 1970s by two Nathan's press agents, Max Rosey and Mortimer Matz, who needed a brand-new publicity stunt to make the contest look like a decades-old American tradition.

In 2010, Matz admitted to the New York Times: "In Coney Island pitchman style, we made it up." A Nathan's spokesman later confirmed the company "had no evidence of the contest" before Matz and Rosey got involved.

The fabrication came well embellished. The dates weren’t even fixed yet — early contests popped up near Memorial Day, Labor Day, and once in April. Some versions of the legend cast entertainer Jimmy Durante as a competitor, judged by Eddie Cantor and Sophie Tucker.

According to a former president of Nathan's, the real first contest happened in 1972. "We'd honestly wait for a couple of fat guys to walk by and ask them if they wanted to be in a hot dog contest," said Wayne Norbitz, who served as president for 26 years.

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Nathan's still markets the event as an unbroken tradition dating back to 1916. It's a strange irony for a holiday built around an honest declaration.

Six-time champion Takeru Kobayashi, known as "The Tsunami," was once asked point-blank whether a hot dog counts as a sandwich.

"No! No. You have to have a lot of respect for hot dogs. It's completely different. First of all, the hot dog is American. Sandwiches are not American. They're different. Second of all, a hot dog is like a pop idol. Hot dogs are cute. It's a pop image — everyone knows what a hot dog is."

Anthony Bourdain called the bun "a ballistic delivery system" and warned that ordering a "hot dog sandwich" at any respectable stand would get you reported to the FBI. The National Hot Dog and Sausage Council agrees, officially classifying the hot dog as its own category rather than a subtype of sandwich.

Maybe the only thing more mythical than Nathan's 1916 origin story is the idea that anyone has actually settled what a hot dog is.

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Residents and interlopers make impassioned pleas to Texas city council: No mosques, no pagan temples



During a tense meeting on Tuesday, conservatives pleaded with the Frisco City Council to halt the construction of a two-story, 43,575 square-foot mosque and torpedo plans to build Hindu and Jain temples in the area.

Texas native Larry Brock, a retired Air Force lieutenant colonel and pardoned J6er, noted that he is well acquainted with the Islamist worldview, in part because he lived under Sharia law for seven years while working for Saudi Arabia. He, like other opponents who raised concerns with the city council, emphasized that such a worldview is at odds with the one that still predominates in the United States.

'I don't want to bring any mosque to Texas ever.'

Brock went farther in his criticism, suggesting that by approving the relevant projects recommended by the city’s planning and zoning commission, city councilors would be putting themselves and the city at risk of unlawfully "aiding and abetting a terrorist organization and providing them material support."

Edward Jacob Lang, a pardoned J6er from Florida wearing a tactical vest, similarly sounded off against Islam and accused the Frisco City Council of "selling out this country" and "inviting the enemy to eat at the table with you."

After Lang railed against the perceived ascendancy of alien cultures in Texas and was escorted out while screaming that he would burn down a mosque if he lived in Texas, Joel Tenney — an Iowa evangelist in a 10-gallon hat — asked what it meant to be Texan and suggested that mosques are representative of a worldview incompatible with America.

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Muslims engaged in prayer at a Mosque in Plano, Texas. RONALDO SCHEMIDT/AFP/Getty Images

Tenney, an outspoken supporter of President Donald Trump, claimed at the outset that he came from "Texas royalty" — that he apparently not only descended from Sam Houston, the first and third president of the Texas Republic, but from frontiersman Davy Crockett.

The evangelical preacher claimed further that he was "kidnapped and held hostage in 2021 by Islamists in the Middle East while on a missions trip to take care of the Coptic widows and fatherless," apparently referring to the families of the Coptic martyrs beheaded by ISIS in Libya.

After signaling that he had deep roots in the state and good cause to resent Islam, Tenney stated, "I don't want to bring any mosque to Texas ever. We shouldn't have one here. It's incompatible with what it means to be an American."

Tenney, convinced that the construction of mosques and pagan temples would change the "structure and the fabric" of the state, insinuated that the ideal way forward for Muslims in America is conversion and assimilation, citing his Indian sister-in-law's transformation from a Muslim migrant into a Christian, English-speaking, naturalized patriot.

Brandon Burden, the "lead prophet" at Kingdom Life, echoed this sentiment, stressing that Muslims "need to assimilate into the culture and not take it over."

Some speakers pushed back against such criticism during the meeting.

Muslim Frisco resident Yameen Ahmed, for instance, condemned "anti-Muslim rhetoric" and said, "I hear lies that we are terrorists, rapists, and fraudsters. I reject every one of these lies."

Yoga Gudivada, formerly of India, attempted to reassure Frisco residents that the planned Hindu temple would be mutually beneficial, stating that "it will serve the broader Frisco community."

The city councilors chose ultimately not to challenge the zoning commission's recommendations, thereby enabling the mosque and temple projects to advance on sites zoned decades ago for future places of worship.

Frisco Mayor Jeff Cheney said that there was no legal basis to appeal the planning decisions.

"Planning and zoning's role is to execute on the ordinances and policies that the governing body of the city council has put in place. They have done their job here," said Cheney. "The case has met all of the requirements that city council, and city councils before, have put in place and they approved it under an administrative act."

Richard Abernathy, an attorney for the city, said that if the council instead overturned previously decided zoning decisions, it would expose itself to lawsuits, reported the Dallas Morning News.

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