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The National Education Association, America’s largest teachers' union, held its annual convention earlier this month. The union’s resolutions — leaked to me by a union member — had nothing to do with improving education. Instead, the NEA declared war on the Trump administration.
One resolution committed the union to “defend birthright citizenship,” and another one to “support students’ right to organize against ICE raids and deportations.” Yet another declared support for “the mass democratic movement against Trump’s authoritarianism” and “the Los Angeles-based movement to defeat Trump’s attempt to use federal forces against the state of California and other states and communities.”
Forcing taxpayers to fund education for illegal immigrants undermines the rule of law and creates perverse incentives for further illegal immigration.
These resolutions confirm yet again that teachers’ unions are more invested in political activism than in prioritizing education.
In fact, NEA President Becky Pringle is an at-large member of the Democratic National Committee. Such actions expose teachers’ unions for what they really are: little more than an arm of the Democratic Party, pushing a radical agenda that puts taxpayers on the hook for funding the K-12 education of illegal immigrants.
With a conservative-leaning Supreme Court and growing public support for immigration enforcement, the time has come to revisit Plyler v. Doe, the 1982 ruling that forced states to provide free public education to children regardless of their immigration status. Reversing that decision would restore basic fairness for taxpayers and bring education policy back in line with the will of the American people.
The post-Plyler disaster
The court decided Plyler v. Doe on a narrow 5-4 vote, reflecting deep division even at the time. Today’s court, reshaped by President Trump’s appointments, has a stronger constitutional foundation to strike it down. The legal terrain has shifted. The original ruling was shaky then and looks even weaker now.
Legally, the case for overturning Plyler is strong. Conservative scholars argue that the 43-year-old ruling overstepped federal authority by compelling states to allocate resources for individuals who are not lawfully present. States have a sovereign right to prioritize their citizens and legal residents when allocating finite resources.
Meanwhile, conservative legal scholars argue that the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment — used to justify the decision — does not require states to educate those in the country unlawfully. That clause was written to protect citizens and lawful residents, not to extend taxpayer-funded benefits to those who violate immigration law.
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Forcing taxpayers to foot the bill for illegal immigrants’ education undermines the rule of law and encourages more unlawful entry. Public sentiment aligns with this view. A June CBS News/YouGov survey found that 54% of Americans support President Trump’s deportation efforts, a stance that helped propel him back to the White House last year. A June InsiderAdvantage poll found that 59% of Americans — including 89% of Republicans — support Trump’s decision “to deploy National Guard and federal military in downtown Los Angeles.”
A 2013 Phi Delta Kappa International/Gallup poll revealed that 55% of Americans oppose using taxpayer dollars to fund education for children of illegal immigrants, with a staggering 81% of Republican voters in agreement. (Perhaps that’s why Gallup hasn’t asked the question again.)
Taxpayers bear the cost, but teachers’ unions reap the rewards.
Public school funding is tied to enrollment. More students — regardless of legal status — mean more money for school districts. Illegal immigrant students often qualify as English language learners, which brings in even more per-pupil funding through federal and state grants.
The surge in English learners creates a demand for specialized teachers. Hiring more staff means more union members — and more dues. The unions grow stronger and richer with every new student who requires extra services.
So when teachers’ unions protest immigration enforcement or attack Trump administration policies, they aren’t defending children. They’re protecting their bottom line. It’s all about the cash, not compassion. They’ve prioritized financial and political power over the interests of American citizens and legal residents, and they expect you to keep paying for it.
Two ways forward
Two strategies could pave the way to overturn Plyler v. Doe.
First, states like Texas, Oklahoma, and Tennessee are expanding school choice programs that exclude illegal immigrants from taxpayer-funded benefits such as private school scholarships and education savings accounts. These programs give parents greater control over their children’s education, but unions have launched aggressive campaigns to block them.
If unions sue to stop these programs on the grounds that they violate Plyler, they’ll likely lose. The ruling required states to provide free public education to illegal immigrants. It said nothing about private scholarships or alternative funding streams.
That legal distinction matters. The court’s conservative majority could uphold these state programs and clarify that Plyler doesn’t apply outside the public school system. Such a decision wouldn’t just protect school choice — it could also erode the Plyler precedent and clear a path to overturn it entirely.
That would return power to the states and allow elected leaders — not unelected judges — to decide how taxpayer dollars are spent.
The second way involves red-state lawmakers taking direct aim at Plyler.
Republican legislators in states like Tennessee have introduced bills to block taxpayer funding for the K-12 education of illegal immigrants. Tennessee recently put its bill on hold while seeking federal guidance on whether the move would jeopardize broader education funding.
If teachers’ unions sue to stop these laws, they risk a high-stakes loss.
A legal defeat could weaken Plyler and give states new authority to draw clear lines around who qualifies for taxpayer-funded education. One ruling could reshape national policy — and force a long-overdue debate about who pays, who benefits, and who decides.
The National Education Association’s unhinged resolutions reflect a desperate push to preserve a broken status quo. Its opposition to border enforcement isn’t about students — it’s about protecting funding, growing membership, and consolidating power. The Supreme Court should revisit Plyler v. Doe and reaffirm a basic principle: Taxpayer resources must serve those who respect the rule of law.
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School censorship backfires in costly free speech beatdown
Last year, I took a stand against the Pulaski County School District in Kentucky when the district tried to silence me for speaking out against its unlawful political advocacy. Today, I’m proud to announce a resounding victory for free speech.
The district has agreed to a consent decree admitting it blocked me from its social media page and censored my voice. The district has also been ordered to pay $30,000 in attorneys’ fees to cover the costs of my legal battle and must train staff on First Amendment principles to prevent future violations.
When government entities like school districts use social media platforms to push their agendas while silencing critics, they erode the foundation of free expression.
This win, secured with the help of the Liberty Justice Center, sends a clear message: Government entities, including public school districts, cannot suppress dissent without consequences.
Taxpayer-funded censorship
The trouble began on August 11, 2024, when Pulaski County Schools used its official social media pages and website to lobby against Amendment 2, a ballot measure to advance school choice in Kentucky. As an advocate for educational freedom, I criticized the district for using taxpayer-funded platforms to engage in political advocacy — something clearly prohibited under Kentucky law.
In response, the district froze comments on its posts and temporarily blocked me from its social media page. It was a blatant attempt to silence criticism and stifle debate — a textbook violation of the First Amendment.
Sadly, Amendment 2 was defeated at the ballot box in November, denying Kentucky families greater educational options — at least for now. School districts like Pulaski County, by breaking state law to campaign against the measure and silence critics like me, put their thumbs on the scale to sway the outcome. Their actions may have undermined the democratic process in 2024, but this legal victory ensures they won’t get away with such tactics in the future.
I wasn’t about to let their censorship slide. With support from the Liberty Justice Center, we sent demand letters to the district on August 14 and August 26, 2024. The pressure worked. The district removed the offending posts and unblocked me. But it stopped short of promising not to censor others in the future.
That’s when we decided to take the district to court. On January 15, we filed a federal lawsuit in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Kentucky, alleging that Pulaski County Schools violated my First Amendment rights by punishing me for my views.
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This case was never just about me. It was about every American silenced by a government official for speaking the truth.
Public school districts don’t belong to superintendents or school boards. They’re funded by taxpayers and accountable to the public. When officials censor dissent or block critics, they violate the core principles that make self-government possible.
The First Amendment protects free and open debate. It doesn’t exist to shield bureaucrats from scrutiny.
Our legal strategy centered on a 2024 Supreme Court ruling — Lindke v. Freed — which made clear that public officials using social media in their official capacity cannot block users based on viewpoint without violating the Constitution.
That ruling changed everything. It gave us the legal leverage to hold Pulaski County accountable.
A win for free speech
While this victory may be personal, its implications are far-reaching. Social media has become a public square, where ideas are debated and policies are scrutinized. When government entities like school districts use these platforms to push their agendas while silencing critics, they erode the foundation of free expression.
My case sets a precedent that other districts across the country should heed: You cannot hide behind a “block” button to avoid accountability. The First Amendment applies online just as it does offline.
I’ve spent years fighting for educational freedom, advocating policies that empower parents and students. The defeat of Amendment 2 was a setback, but the fight for school choice continues. None of this work is possible without the freedom to speak out. Pulaski County Schools thought it could shut me up. Instead, the district amplified the message that censorship won’t be tolerated.
The $30,000 in attorneys’ fees is a signal that those who violate free speech will pay a price. The mandatory First Amendment training ensures the district’s staff will think twice before trying to silence anyone else. And the consent decree puts them under a judge’s watchful eye, ensuring compliance.
Don’t be afraid
This win wouldn’t have been possible without the Liberty Justice Center, whose legal team fought tirelessly to defend my rights and the rights of every American to speak freely. The center's work, grounded in the Supreme Court’s recent ruling, shows that the law is catching up to the realities of the digital age. Government officials can no longer hide behind vague policies or technicalities to suppress dissent.
The Constitution is clear, and so is the message from this case: Free speech is non-negotiable.
To my fellow advocates, parents, and citizens: Don’t be afraid to speak out. When you see a school district or any government entity overstepping its bounds, call it out. The First Amendment is your shield, and cases like mine show that it still has teeth. Pulaski County Schools learned that lesson the hard way. Let’s make sure others don’t have to.
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The Republican Party won’t be saved by excuses
Texas conservatives have long trusted the Republican Party to stand firm on core values: secure borders, parental rights, the Second Amendment, and limited government. We’ve delivered them power in Austin. But too many GOP lawmakers now serve corporate donors and media elites — not the grassroots conservatives who put them in office.
Texas may be a red state, but the last legislative session told a different story. Thirty-six Republican state lawmakers joined Democrats on critical votes that gutted conservative priorities. They campaign as fighters and govern as cowards — folding at the first whiff of media pressure or lobbyist resistance. That’s not leadership. That’s betrayal.
When Texas Republicans falter, they don’t just fail their state — they fail the country.
Governor Greg Abbott’s Operation Lone Star generates headlines, but the border remains wide open. Despite the efforts of the Trump administration, cartels continue to move drugs and people freely across Texas soil. Ranchers continue to live in fear. Families bury loved ones lost to fentanyl. Texans demand action, but Austin delivers press releases.
Yes, regardless of the federal government’s efforts — and the Trump administration is certainly a refreshing change from Joe Biden —Texas has the constitutional authority to act. Where’s the declaration of invasion? Where’s the full mobilization? Leadership doesn’t mean deploying troops for photo ops. It means taking responsibility and enforcing the law.
It isn’t ‘culture war nonsense’
Parents across Texas want transparency. They want to know what their kids are learning, reading, and hearing in school — especially on issues of sex and gender. Some lawmakers have stepped up. Too many haven’t. They call it “culture war nonsense” while siding with school boards and bureaucrats who treat parents as threats.
Legislators who can’t stop minors from receiving irreversible medical procedures without parental consent don’t belong in conservative office. That’s not compromise. That’s surrender.
Don’t dismiss the Second Amendment
After every shooting, moderate Republicans float “reasonable restrictions.” But the Constitution doesn’t hedge. It says “shall not be infringed.”
Texans don’t want red-flag laws. They want their rights respected. When figures like Rep. Dan Crenshaw entertain policies that chip away at due process, they don’t look pragmatic. They look weak. If you won’t defend gun rights without apology, step aside.
Meme bills and muzzled dissent
Texas Republicans now flirt with speech regulation. One bill would have required registration for anonymous political memes — all in the name of fighting “disinformation.” That’s not governance. That’s control.
Conservatives believe in protecting anonymous speech because we remember what it’s for: dissent. Critique. Satire. These aren’t bugs in the system — they’re essential features. If Austin lawmakers wants to mirror D.C.'s, voters will start treating them the same way.
Contempt for the base
The real issue isn’t just policy. It’s culture. The GOP establishment in Austin feels more at home with lobbyists than with the voters who knock doors and fund their campaigns. Primary challengers get dismissed as “fringe,” even as the grassroots base grows louder — and angrier.
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Calls for term limits are rising. The appetite for bold reform is real. If Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) can deliver conservative wins in Florida, why can’t Texas? Why are we still making excuses?
This isn’t just about Texas
Texas shapes the national Republican Party. It drives presidential races and defines what the GOP stands for. When Texas Republicans falter, they don’t just fail their state — they fail the country.
As state Rep. Brian Harrison has shown, the last legislative session exposed serious cracks in the GOP foundation. Conservatives must respond: organize locally, show up at the Capitol, primary the cowards. An “R” isn’t a free pass. If you govern like a Democrat, expect to be treated like one.
Secure the border. Empower parents. Protect the Second Amendment. Defend free speech. Or get out of the way.
Texas doesn’t need more Republicans. It needs better ones.
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